Greece's 'Watergate' Spyware Case Ends With Convictions, But Questions Remain
Four convicted in Greece's Predator spyware scandal that targeted 87 officials and journalists, but no government officials charged despite cover-up allegations.
When 87 prominent Greeks—ministers, generals, journalists—discovered their phones had been turned into surveillance devices, it sparked what many called "Greece's Watergate." Now, four people have been convicted. But the biggest question remains unanswered: who ordered the spying?
Justice Served, Truth Still Hidden
An Athens court handed down 126-year prison sentences to four individuals who marketed the Predator spyware that infiltrated the devices of Greece's political and media elite. The defendants—two Greeks (Felix Bitzios and Yiannis Lavranos) and two Israelis (Tal Dilian and Sara Hamou)—were found guilty of violating telephone communications confidentiality and illegally accessing personal data.
Yet the sentences, while symbolically hefty, will likely amount to just eight years served—the maximum for misdemeanors. More tellingly, the defendants weren't even present for the verdict, having skipped the five-month trial's conclusion.
The Predator software, developed by Athens-based Israeli company Intellexa, can access a device's messages, camera, and microphone—essentially turning smartphones into pocket-sized surveillance stations. While illegal in Greece at the time, a 2022 law has since legitimized state use of such software under "strict conditions."
The Missing Piece: Government Accountability
Here's where the story gets murky. Of the 87 people targeted by Predator, one in three was also under legal surveillance by Greece's intelligence services (EYP). Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, who directly oversees EYP, called it a scandal—but no government officials have been charged.
The judge noted that defendants appeared to have acted with "unknown third parties," potentially including Greek and foreign intelligence officials. The court has sent trial records to prosecutors to investigate possible felonies, including espionage. But critics argue this represents a systematic cover-up at the highest levels.
Thanasis Koukakis, a financial reporter who investigates corruption and was among those targeted, told the BBC the decision "satisfies me with regard to the violation of my private life." But he emphasized that "justice must, without distraction, investigate the involvement of third parties in felony offenses."
Democracy's Digital Dilemma
The scandal began in summer 2022 when Nikos Androulakis, now head of Greece's Socialist party, received a malicious text message flagged by European Parliament IT experts. He later discovered he'd also been tracked by Greek intelligence for "national security reasons."
This dual-track surveillance—both illegal spyware and legal intelligence operations—raises uncomfortable questions about democratic oversight. If intelligence agencies were already monitoring these individuals legally, why was illegal spyware also deployed? Who authorized it? And what does this say about checks and balances in modern democracies?
The case echoes broader global concerns about surveillance technology. From NSO Group's Pegasus to various state-sponsored hacking operations, the line between national security and authoritarian overreach continues to blur. Greece's experience offers a cautionary tale: even in established democracies, surveillance tools can be weaponized against the very people meant to hold power accountable.
This content is AI-generated based on source articles. While we strive for accuracy, errors may occur. We recommend verifying with the original source.
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