Why Lebanon Finally Told Hezbollah to Give Up Its Guns

At 3 a.m. on Monday, the sound of explosions jolted Beirut awake. Israeli airstrikes were retaliating against Hezbollah's missile barrage launched in "solidarity" with Iran's slain supreme leader. Once again, Lebanon found itself dragged into a war that had nothing to do with its national interests.

But this time, something unprecedented happened. After an emergency cabinet meeting, Lebanon's government declared Hezbollah's military activities illegal and ordered the confiscation of its weapons. For the first time in over three decades, the Lebanese state had thrown down the gauntlet against the Iran-backed militia.

Breaking 30 Years of Silence

Since Hezbollah's formation in 1982, Lebanon's government has never directly confronted the organization this way. Not when other militias were disarmed after the 1989 civil war ended. Not after Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon in 2000. Not even after Hezbollah turned its guns on fellow Lebanese in 2008.

The rationales kept shifting—first Israeli occupation, then disputed border areas, then vague promises of "eventual" disarmament. But Prime Minister Nawaf Salam's statement, backed by President Joseph Aoun, marks the first time state authority has been pitted completely against Hezbollah's military wing.

Remarkably, even Nabih Berri—the most prominent Shiite politician and Hezbollah's key ally—supported the disarmament declaration. The consensus appears nearly total.

Why Now?

The timing reveals two crucial factors. First, Hezbollah is significantly weakened. Israel's devastating campaign since October 2023 eliminated most of the organization's leadership, emboldening the Lebanese government to "finish the job."

More importantly, the broader U.S.-Iran conflict has crystallized a national consensus: Lebanon must no longer be a battlefield for other nations' wars. Even many Lebanese Shiites who previously sympathized with Hezbollah have grown fed up with being dragged into conflicts that serve no Lebanese interests.

But declaring and enforcing are different challenges. The government arrested 27 people on weapons charges this week, yet Hezbollah continues engaging Israeli forces while denouncing the ban. The state faces a delicate balancing act—preventing Hezbollah from rebuilding is one thing; actively confiscating existing weapons is far more dangerous.

Israel's Critical Role

Ironically, Lebanon's success depends partly on its enemy. Continued Israeli strikes weaken Hezbollah and improve disarmament prospects. But if Israel establishes a "buffer zone" through large-scale occupation of southern Lebanon, it would hand Hezbollah fresh justification for remaining armed.

An even greater threat would be Israel attempting to force Lebanon into its sphere of influence. Lebanese who endured Syrian domination in the 1990s would never accept an Israeli version of Pax Syriana.

Fortunately, Israel seems to recognize the opportunity for alignment. Rather than targeting vital infrastructure like Beirut's airport, Israeli strikes have focused exclusively on Hezbollah-related targets. This restraint helps maintain the anti-Hezbollah consensus.

The Unfinished Revolution

Lebanese society is experiencing something unprecedented: broad agreement that their country shouldn't be Iran's proxy battlefield. This consensus crosses traditional sectarian lines, with traumatized Shiite communities joining calls for Hezbollah's disarmament.

Yet implementation remains fraught. The traumatized Shiite community could overreact to perceived security threats. Hezbollah retains significant military capabilities despite recent losses. And regional powers have their own interests in Lebanon's future.